“It’s human nature to tie yourself to a leader as much
for the services you’ve done him as the good he’s done you.” —Niccolò
Machiavelli, The Prince, Chapter 10
A Plea to My Beautiful Republican Friends:
We need your help. We all do.
Our
nation is in a dangerous place. The constitutional safeguards we rely
on to check the ambitions of our President are fraying—some are already
gone. Let me be direct: governance under President Trump is
authoritarian in character. He has worked relentlessly to remove
impediments to his control. He has wielded not only the full powers of
the office, but also the powers of rhetoric, party loyalty, and media
influence. Doing this much is not the decisive issue. The problem is
that he has also employed legal intimidation, and has targeted judges,
governors, universities, news organizations, and prosecutors. If
unchecked, our electoral systems and civil liberties will be next—and
“next” is now.
That may sound like the hysterical rant of an
alarmist. And if that’s your first reaction, here’s what I hope: I hope
you’re right, and I’m wrong. I hope the years of study I’ve poured into
this topic are misguided. I would much rather be embarrassed for
sounding extreme on social media than be proven right by a national
catastrophe.
But if you do think I’m unhinged, I suspect it’s for one of three reasons.
First,
perhaps you see nothing new here. Didn’t Presidents Obama and Biden
also push executive power to the limit? Didn’t Obama issue
unconstitutional executive orders on immigration? Didn’t Biden try to
forgive $400 billion in student loans without congressional
authorization? Where was the outrage then? Why now?
Second, maybe
Trump’s actions don’t bother you because they substantively align with
your policy preferences. He campaigned on tariffs, law and order, and
border enforcement. He won the election—this time, even the popular
vote. Isn’t he simply keeping his promises, something Democrats rarely
do? Are we really supposed to get worked up because the IRS is a little
less comfortable? Isn’t this just a policy dispute dressed up as a
constitutional crisis?
Third, perhaps his actions don’t feel
threatening because they haven’t touched your life. You’re here legally.
You’re not a snobby professor with the privilege of tenure, or a whiny
journalist, or a civil rights lawyer. You’ve worked hard and earned your
place. You trust that Trump won’t come for you.
Neither of the first two points is entirely baseless.
Recent
presidents from both parties have pushed—and sometimes
exceeded—constitutional boundaries. That abuse should be called out
wherever it occurs. If Democrats only care about overreach when the
other team does it, their complaints ring hollow.
And yes,
elections do have consequences. Policy victories like shrinking federal
agencies or cutting taxes don’t necessarily signal a constitutional
crisis. I may disagree with those policies, but they’re part of the
democratic process—not a threat to it.
But as for the last
point—your sense of security—I genuinely hope you’re right. I pray your
trust is well-placed. But here’s where I believe you can make the
greatest difference—and why we need your help so desperately.
Despite
past abuses from both parties, we are now witnessing something
unprecedented: a deliberate, systematic assault—not just on laws, but on
the very norms and guardrails that hold the presidency accountable.
We
are witnessing an ideology of retribution, of pure vindictiveness, that
treats opposition as illegitimate and punishes it ruthlessly. Consider
President Trump’s attack on our most iconic institution of higher
education, Harvard University, founded in 1636. Frankly, I love hating
on Harvard—as most spirited people do. But if I’m going to be honest, I
must confess that Harvard is plausibly the single most successful
institution of any kind within our nation’s borders. It preceded our
nation, and it has been an intellectual haven to the world’s greatest
minds. Its contributions to humanity are legion. And it’s taken less
than four months for President Trump to effectively threaten its
viability as a world-class institution and—like a classic abuser—to
demand an apology from it.
Our slide into authoritarianism will
not arrive with spectacle or fireworks. It will arrive with
congressional votes, court decisions, and executive orders—all under the
appearance of legality. And many Americans will mistake this
coordinated erosion of checks and balances for legitimate governance,
rather than the full-on abdication of constitutional duty these actions
signify.
Right now, many in Congress—and not a few judges—fear
President Trump more than they fear losing their institution’s
authority. Our system only works when each branch jealously guards its
own power. Madison wrote that “ambition must be made to counteract
ambition.” But that only happens when officeholders believe they have
more to gain from defending their institutions than from pleasing the
president. Trump has mastered the politics of intimidation. His threats
work as well—if not better—against his own party as they do against the
opposition.
This is where you come in, my cherished Republican friends.
Republican
lawmakers are terrified. Yes, some support Trump unreservedly. But many
others support him only cautiously, or provisionally—or not at all.
Some disagree with him deeply on constitutional grounds but stay silent
because his disapproval could cost them their careers.
They will
not act until you give them cover—until millions of Republican
constituents tell them that you value free speech, judicial
independence, and due process more than President Trump’s regimen of
constitutional overreach.
Nothing about your demands requires you
to abandon conservatism or the Republican Party. To the contrary, there
is nothing “conservative” about abandoning due process. True
conservatism fears government overreach. It respects limits. It honors
the rule of law. It acknowledges that we live in a nation of competing
needs and values. What could be more quintessentially conservative than
sober and thoughtful grown-up adults acknowledging that no one in this
world gets—or should get—everything they want?
You don’t need to change your ideology. You just need to return to it.
Liberals
and Democrats can do very little at this moment. They do not control
the presidency, the House, or the Senate. Most states are
Republican-governed. The courts are majority Republican-appointed.
If the slide into tyranny is to be stopped, it will be because you stopped it.
And
here’s the human truth that Machiavelli grasped, and why I began this
plea with his quote: it’s hard to back away from someone we’ve publicly
supported. Our endorsements bind us—emotionally, psychologically,
relationally—to the people we make them for. I know the feeling. When I
discover a student cheats after I’ve written them a letter of
recommendation, I struggle to admit it. It feels like a betrayal of me,
not just of them, and I am sorely tempted to turn my head, to look away.
My success is wrapped up in their own, and it’s hard to acknowledge
what has happened.
But I also know this: when you voted for
President Trump, you simply wanted more efficient government. You wanted
stronger borders. You wanted the nation to stand up for itself. You
didn’t vote for Trump because you wanted him to punish universities,
silence journalists, or rule by fiat. I believe that because I believe
in your character.
I don’t believe you voted for Elon Musk to
replace Congress. I don’t believe you hoped Trump would side with Putin
over Ukraine. And I don’t believe you wanted a presidency that mocks the
very constitutional norms you cherish.
Here’s where it gets personal for me.
If
Trump’s power grab continues unchecked, it won’t be stopped just at the
ballot box or in the courts. It will eventually spill into the streets,
and though it cuts against my every instinct to stay behind a safe
screen, I’ll be there on the streets as well. I love my country. Our
country was born of protest, and from time to time, it must be defended
through protest.
This I fear I must promise you: these protests
will be messy. And as with virtually all protests, a few people will go
too far. It’s inevitable. And in that moment, President Trump will have
his excuse. A single regrettable act—or a handful of regrettable actions
carried out by a tiny minority—will become the justification for a
full-fledged crackdown. He has already justified dozens of his actions
by legally claiming we have an emergency. If President Trump can locate
an emergency with regard to sweet and lovely Canada’s posture toward the
United States, imagine his wrath when his direct opposition moves in
earnest to the street.
The most lawless president in our history will claim ultimate power in the name of “law and order.”
It doesn’t have to go that way. But I truly believe it’s in your hands to prevent it.
I know how much you revere the Constitution. I’m asking you now to honor not just its name—but its practice.
The Steele Dossier was always raw data, understood by its users as likely to have bad info mixed in with reality. Which it was, as expected, largely true with some bad info mixed in.
Where can I find a summary of what was largely true, verified and corroborated in the Steele dossier. In a press release from Sen Adam Schiff or the unredacted Trump FISA warrants that primarily referenced the Steele dossier as evidence that were signed, authorized and approved by FBI law enforcement heroes J. Comey, J. Baker, A. Weissman and A. McCabe?
@Steven L. Taylor:
Checking the approved official narratives from the main source of conventional wisdom woke thought.